A Difficult Path Forward: Life Under the Coalition for Women
Last
weekend, many of us watched in horror as Australia signed up for three more
years under a Liberal Coalition government. The groups of people who will be
negatively impacted by the continuation of this government's policies are
numerous. They include refugees, people of colour, those who depend on a healthy
environment (which would be most of us), and not least of all, women and other gender minorities.
On
a micro scale, Liberal governance is poor for women's representation. The past
three years have seen women’s representation in parliament take a major
backslide, particularly within the Liberal government itself. The Liberals have
recently seen a wave of high-profile women abandoning the party for greener
pastures. In a shock resignation, Kelly O’Dwyer stepped down just prior to the
election, citing the workplace was not conducive to life as a mother. Former
foreign minister Julie Bishop also stepped down, ostensibly after being passed
over during the Liberal leadership spill in favour of Scott Morrison. Finally, Julia
Banks left the party to become an independent, after dealing with bullying from
other (male) members of the Liberal Party, who she refused to directly name.
What she did say, was even more damning. On an episode of Q&A, Ms. Banks
said “it was an entrenched culture of anti-women within the Liberal Party which
I had experienced since my preselection in 2015.”
Of
the male MPs rumoured to be the source of the bullying during the leadership
spill (Greg Hunt, Tony Abbott, and Peter Dutton), only Abbott faced any serious
repercussions before, during or after the election. He lost his long-held seat
of Warringah to Independent Zali Steggall. Dutton and Hunt retained their
seats.
This
treatment of women is not a good look for the coalition, in which there are
more male MPs named Andrew than female MPs, full stop. Conversely,
Labor campaigned on the promise that a Shorten-elected government would be
gender-balanced with an equal number of male and female MPs. Now, with the
coalition back in place, it seems we’ll be waiting on that statistic for some
time.
Adding
to what had already been a disappointing election was the coalition’s choice of
a new leader in the face of Bill Shorten’s departure. The title went not to his
Deputy Leader, Tanya Plibersek, as many had assumed it would, but instead to
Anthony Albanese. The popular and well-respected Plibersek gave no official
reason for bowing out of the race, save for the rather cryptic declaration “now
is not my time.”
Plidersek’s statement brings to mind the familiar
question: “if not me, who? If not now, when?” Australia has been facing this
problem for twenty years now. The rest of the world is quickly outpacing us. For
some perspective, in 1999, Australia ranked 15th globally in terms of female
representation in parliament. In 2018, we ranked 50th. 2019 shows no sign of
that downward trend improving anytime soon, with only a negligible rise in representation
across the board.
On
a macro scale, the election was bad news for Australian women in a myriad of
ways. Inequality among the rich and poor continues to be a major issue in Australia,
with single women over 55 now the fastest growing group of homeless and
disadvantaged people in the country. Homeless women are forced to rely on the Newstart system largely due to the breakdown of relationships, domestic violence situations, unemployment, and underemployment in regional areas.
This system remains woefully underfunded, with those on the allowance made to survive
on just $40 a day. The Australian Council of Social Service has advised a
minimum additional allowance of just $10 a day. However, this pay hike has been
flatly rejected by the Coalition, who insist the Newstart payment of $280 per week
is adequate. This figure, which has
barely budged for more than 25 years, has a variety of knock-on effects. They include a higher number of single mothers with children in poverty and more women staying in
domestic violence situations, particularly in regional communities with lack of
access to additional services.
Meanwhile,
working mothers have little to look forward to under the Coalition, with
childcare costs prohibiting many from returning to the workplace. Figures from this
year suggest a woman typically faces a loss of 90% of her wage for each extra
day she uses childcare. In many cases, women can wind up actually paying more
to go to work than they would to stay home as primary carers. As a result, many
women wind up staying out of work until their children are in school, resulting
in a net loss in career advancement opportunities and increased financial
dependence on their partners. It’s little wonder, then, that these women find
themselves with no other option than the Newstart allowance if their
relationships happen to break down.
Those
who do manage to stay in work don’t get off easy either. The cuts to penalty
rates disproportionately affect women, with the sectors impacted the most (retail
and hospitality) staffed mainly by women. Women are also more likely to work
part-time, often due to primary carer commitments. So, they will face a “double-barrelled
effect”, according to economist Dr. Jim Stanford at The Australia Institute’s
Centre for Future Work. Dr. Stanford suggests, “Both of those factors
contribute to the gap in earnings between men and women in the sector, and they
confirm that the cut in penalty rates would have a focused impact on women's
earnings.”
So,
whether you’re an aspiring female politician, a woman in the workforce, a
mother, or just a woman who cares about equal representation, life under the
Coalition is set to become more difficult for the next three years. A reality
which many, particularly the most disadvantaged among us, will struggle to
endure.
By: Siri Williams
Disclaimer: The views
expressed in this piece do not necessarily reflect the views of the Sydney Feminists.
Our Blogger and Tumblr serve as platforms for a diverse array of women to put
forth their ideas and explore topics. To learn more about the philosophy behind
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